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Brics: Non-West vs Anti-West

Can the ragtag grouping of emerging economies still drive the shift towards a more multipolar world? This book explores that and much more

Brics: Non-West vs Anti-West
BRICS as a Global Alternative — Prospects and Concerns for India: Proceedings of an International Seminar

Edited by Suranjan Das and Tridib Chakraborti

Published by KW Publishers

124 pages ₹980

 At a time when geopolitics appears to be caught in a Thucydides Trap, India is hosting the two-day Brics summit in New Delhi on September 12-13. The acronym stands for a ragtag group of countries, similar to the alphabet soups created by the permutation and combination of groupings such as India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA) and Russia-India-China (RIC). While these two groupings are almost defunct, the introduction to the volume under review proclaims that Brics aims “to promote geographically and politically diverse coalition to promote a more inclusive and multipolar global order that can moderate Western dominance in global governance structure”. The volume is edited by two eminent academics, Suranjan Das, vice chancellor of Adamas University, Kolkata, and Tridib Chakraborti, emeritus professor at the same institution. It comprises six papers and addresses presented at a national seminar at Kolkata in February this year jointly organised by the Indian Council of World Affairs and Adamas University. 

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Brics was an economic label coined by the investment banker Jim O’ Neil of Goldman Sachs in 2001 to describe the emerging economies of Brazil, Russia, India and China. He made a forecast that the economies of these countries would propel the trajectory of world growth and development that would take the place of the developed industrialised countries of the West. Officially born in 2009, the grouping originally comprising Brazil, Russia, India and China included South Africa in 2010. At its 2024 summit, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and United Arab Emirates joined as full members, while Belarus, Bolivia, Kazakhstan, Cuba, Malaysia, Nigeria, Thailand, Uganda and Uzbekistan joined as partner countries. 

The motley grouping is tom-tommed as accounting for over 40 per cent of the world’s population, roughly one-third of the global gross domestic product measured by purchasing power parity, and nearly 23 per cent of international merchandise trade. India has participated in all the summit meetings and hosted the summit meeting in New Delhi in 2012, in Goa in 2016 and again in Delhi in 2021. This is the fourth time that India is hosting the summit. 

In his address setting the tone and tenor of Brics, Rajiv Bhatia, a former diplomat and scholar, observes that while the expansion of Brics membership is evidence of its growing global appeal and legitimacy, the enlargement inevitably introduces new layers of complexity. He also underlines the importance of conceptualising Brics as “non-West” rather than” anti-West”, thereby preserving strategic autonomy while avoiding ideological confrontation. Commenting on the rationale for the expansion of Brics, Brazil’s ambassador to India, Kenneth Felix Haczynski da Nobrega, argues that enlargement can only be properly understood through a careful analysis of the grouping’s evolution and internal dynamics. He traces Brics’ trajectory from its early articulation as a counterpoise to the widening gap between the formal structures of global governance and actual distribution of global power. He sees the present role of Brics as a catalyst for emerging economies and a driver of transition towards a more multipolar international order. 

Sharing the Chinese perspective, the Acting Consul-General of China in Kolkata, Qin Yong, notes that Brics embodies the shared aspirations of the Global South for deeper co-operation, mutual respect, and coordinated development in the face of mounting global uncertainties and entrenched structural imbalances. Unlike the diplomatic assessments of Brazil and China, Ambassador Krishnan Srinivasan and Professor Sreeram Chaulia offer sharp insights in their presentations. Ambassador Srinivasan argues that for India, Brics remains strategically valuable despite its ties with the US. This ideological and strategic heterogeneity impels a thoughtful calibration of the grouping’s capacity to function as a unified geographical rival to the US, he argues. Professor Chaulia argues that international asymmetries, particularly the widening economic and strategic gap between China and other members, as well as the India-China tensions complicate the prospects for Brics cohesiveness. 

Indeed, the trust deficit and persistent security dilemma between India and China, the two key stakeholders, lies at the heart of Brics’ ability to operate cohesively. This basic element does not seem to have been clearly reflected in the seminar; it should have been addressed upfront. Yet another issue that should have been discussed in greater detail is the role, functions, and the achievements of the New Development Bank, which was established in 2015 and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement, which became operational in 2014. These structural edifices represent important developments in the world of international finance where alternative systems to the Bretton Woods system are emerging. Where do they stand within the global system? What is India’s commitment? The volume would have been enhanced by a discussion of these critical issues. 
The reviewer is a former senior fellow of the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, and

currently consulting editor for the Journal of Parliamentary Information

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